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Viewpoints Chinese representation in British politics | Chinese representation in British politics |
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| Thursday, 29 May 2008 | ||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
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The background to the quest for a Chinese MP In the United Kingdom, the Chinese community ranks low in the classification by ethnicity. There is a feeling, however, that even accounting for their small numbers in the overall population, the Chinese in Britain are under-represented in certain areas of British society and none more so than in politics. The lack of a Chinese MP at Westminster may well be due to a near absence of Chinese involvement in British politics, and it may be argued in reverse that there is little incentive for the major political parties to engage the Chinese community in politics because of these reasons. Education and developments in the wider world have now created awareness amongst the Chinese in Britain for recognition and belonging. The primordial sense of racial pride is boosted by the rising status of China in the international arena, and although citizenry and nationalism are different issues, the emotional and cultural linkages are immutable and bind the Chinese in Britain. The contribution of British Chinese to the national economy is difficult to quantify, as there is probably a significant element of anonymity and diffidence that is a hallmark of the Chinese people. More visible forms of Chinese participation in British life include catering and specialty food stores, with professional positions such as medicine, dentistry and law being less conspicuous. However, relative to their numbers, the Chinese have contributed enormously to Britain. The stage is therefore set for the Chinese to engage in national politics as an integral part of a cohesive and modern Britain. Furthermore, while this is a natural progression and a mark of their role in British society, their benefit to the strategic position of Britain in relation to the global importance of China cannot be over-emphasised. The nuances of British politics Critical to the establishment of a political profile for the Chinese is the acceptance that their numbers are low in comparison to other ethnic groups, and the dominance of the mainstream White Anglo-Saxons in an essentially Western European nation with a history of global colonisation. This is expressed plainly in a sympathy remark from the wife of a Chinese who felt a predominantly white selection committee would have difficulty anointing a Chinese parliamentary candidate, let alone a white community electing a Chinese MP. The point made there is not negative or racist; it is a disarmingly realistic viewpoint of the frustrating situation. Furthermore, Chinese groups largely cater for social and cultural needs while those individuals who are politically minded tend to follow the structures set out by the political party of their affiliation and few, if any, resource flows in the reverse direction from the main political parties into the Chinese community. With these considerations, it is safe to say that no political party has any real or substantial incentive to promote Chinese interests in any manner that the Chinese community desire and which is appropriate, given the mantra of social cohesion. This is not to say that the main political parties have entirely ignored Chinese interests and needs, but there are significant deficiencies. If the Chinese community therefore desires to have a parliamentary representative from amongst its own people, it must do so with a specially crafted strategy that penetrates deep into the present political structures, capitalises on the strengths of prominent and promising members, and supports with united determination such deserving candidates. Leadership Academy The general belief is that there is not so much a dearth of suitable candidates as the apparent lack of interest by Chinese for active involvement in politics. There are eminently sound reasons for the disinterest, and the most common one cited is the inability to make a difference. Economic reasons are important for the Chinese too, as their drive for financial security, prosperity and in many cases professional advancement make investment in time and loss of income difficult to justify in exchange for an uncertain role in politics. Many perceive the time demand to be a negative and unrewarding feature of politics, and prejudices more preferred activities, such as making money, pursuing hobbies and spending time with the family. To encourage interest in politics amongst the Chinese requires a system of information and participation. These include action group meetings, and it may be necessary to assist with the establishment of local groups due to the dispersal of the Chinese people in Britain. In turn, groups must be networked to maintain liaison and communication for the best outcomes. Next, we must implement a process of grooming and mentoring by those who are experienced in skills development and management. A cohort of aspirants of all ages and from all walks of life must be built up to avoid a vacuum and to ensure continuity in the flow of politically strong candidates. A leadership academy to inculcate and promote political awareness and development is therefore proposed. To achieve unimpeachable credibility and universal acceptability, the academy must embrace a mission that gives equal and conjoined emphasis to Chinese communal and wider national interests. Accessing political structures Implicit in the effort to gain selection as a parliamentary candidate is the fact that no one in the Chinese community should expect a successful appointment based on any lesser standards than that expected of a candidate from any other racial background. No one owes us a seat, which must be fought. However, it is generally felt that there is a denial of a credibility gap, an unfounded anxiety in trusting the ability of a Chinese to be at least the equal in intellect, commitment and patriotism to an indigenious white candidate. There are, of course, rare occasions when the inner sanctum of the power brokers in all the main political parties promote a candidate of their choice to the fore, a process known as ‘shoeing in' or parachuting in' of a specially appointed candidate. This move is reserved for stronghold seats and when powerful reasons exist for doing so. Although the campaign to secure a Chinese MP is broadly non-partisan, it would be preferable that the candidate is from the political party most likely to form the next government. Achieving political success The task of the power brokers would be made much easier if the nominated candidate possesses those political qualities and electoral characteristics that are desirable for both the party, the constituents and the country. Apart from having the necessary qualifications in such matters as integrity, probity and dedication, the candidate must also possess an attractive personality and flair that captivate the public and simultaneously create an empathy that forms the basis of electoral support. Success in a chosen vocation is commendable, but it is no guarantee of desirability, while rounded and broad experience is definitely a very positive attribute. Indeed, a comment that is often heard in denigration of politicians is the narrow range of life skills they possess. Therefore, a candidate respected by the Chinese community and who displays the qualities favoured by the electorate is the one who should be promoted to contest a safe seat. The ability to draw on the full support of the Chinese community and acceptability of personal traits by the wider public are sine qua non of electoral success for such a candidate. Supporting
candidates In an age of rapid and pervasive communication, the power of the media is a tool to be deployed for maximum effect to benefit a candidate who has the broadest support of the Chinese community and the political party promoting the candidacy. The full range of both the mainstream English and Chinese language media - the newspapers, radio, television and the internet - must be engaged. In turn, the candidate must devote a significant amount of time to achieve a public presence that the media can then feed on. These efforts require substantial financial and logistical support, and an organised team such as that led by Christine Lee and her colleagues in the BC Project would be ideally placed to coordinate the campaign. Without concerted fund-raising, the publicity drive will be compromised. Finally,
the success of any campaign of this nature depends on the close cooperation
between the Chinese community-facing team and its counterpart in the political
party which the candidate represents. Conclusion As the country enters the preparatory phase for the next General Election, this is arguably the best opportunity for Chinese Britons to support from amongst their ranks worthy members who are willing and able to uphold the pride and honour of the Chinese in Britain by fulfilling their desire for direct parliamentary representation. Dr Teck K Khong
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