Dimsum explores race relations between the British and Chinese communities in the UK by interviewing veteran of Chinese community affairs Jabez Lam.

Jabez, you have worked for a long time defending the rights of the Chinese community and have worked tirelessly to improve relations between the British Chinese community. Can you tell me briefly how you started out?

I was in student in London in the 1970s. With a group of friends we formed a study group called ' The Reawakening', to explored history of Chinese workers movement and political issues in HK and China.

The Immigration Act 1971 was designated to exclude British Citizens (at the time known as Citizen of United Kingdom and Colonies [CUKC]) from freely travelling into UK. The Act distinguished CUKC of those born in UK or born to UK born parents or grandparents are 'patio' CUKC, and those born outside UK with no ancestral link as 'non-patio'. This act basically excludes British citizens born in its colonies to travel into UK.

However, in reality, the Act, when implemented has the opposite effect. At the time, the majority of Chinese came in the 50's and 60's are men came to work in UK and left their family at their home country – the majority came from New Territories and Hong Kong. They worked in the UK and sent their earnings home to support their families. Most intended to return to their home country. The 1971 Act forced them to consider that if they did not bring their families to UK, they might lose the opportunities of family reunion once the children became adult. As a result, many decided to bring their family to join them in UK.

The Reawakening noticed an explosion of Chinese community in family population took place in early/mid 1970's; the lack of preparation of the 'welfare state' to support and this group of new immigrants. We noticed many Chinese families were struggling to settle into the new environment, many lived in squalid conditions and lost out in claiming their entitlements in housing, benefits, education, health and other welfare entitlements.

The Reawakening Group identified this as social injustices manifested in the form of racist immigration control, and racist institutions failed to meet the many social needs of the Chinese community. The Reawakening Group negotiated with the Fitzovia Neighbourhood Centre in central London to use its facilities two days a week to set up an advice service for the Chinese community. The advice service started in 1976 and over the years, many original members of the group are still active in the field.

What changes have you seen happen in the time that you have been doing this?

At the time the Reawakening Group started the advice service in 1976, the enquiries to us were mainly in relation to access to services, e.g. family of 6 lived in one rent room or tied accommodation, unaware of Child Benefits and welfare benefits entitlements, unaware or unable to access NHS services, assisting children to find schools. The Reawakening Group was the only free Chinese speaking advice services; it handled enquiries covering the whole London and many outside London.

With the growth of Chinese from other parts if the world coming to UK, i.e. Vietnamese Chinese in the early 80's and Chinese from Mainland China. Basic needs of the Chinese community remain a recurrent theme. Statutory institutions remain unable to meet new challenges with immigrants settling into the UK. Chinese community centres funded by local authorities sprung up all over the country towards the end of 1970's and beginning of the 80's, the avenue for basic advice on access to public services, or group activities, improved dramatically. Some public funded Chinese organisations aimed to provide specialist advice such as on health, mental health immigration etc emerged in mid 1980's.

With the population of second generation Chinese born or grow up in UK, issues previous unnoticed or not recognised began to emerge to the service, i.e. employment rights, domestic violence, racial harassment, racial attacks, media profile of the community, civil rights etc. However, most of the Chinese Centres/organisations consider these as 'controversial', or lack the skills and knowledge to deal with these issues. Specialist Services to serve the Chinese community these issues are urgently needed.

Do you feel that the tragic death of Stephen Lawrence has done anything to improve the situation in the UK for minorities in the past ten years? Have changes in Government legislation as a result of the Lawrence inquiry had effect on attitudes towards the Chinese community?

The tragic death of Stephen Lawrence summarised the experience of minority ethnic communities in UK. i.e. the institutional racism in British society. The Lawrence family campaigned for seven years to have a public enquiry (McPherson Report) conducted on the death of Stephen Lawrence, and the failures of the institutions in the investigation on his death and the support to his family. The McPherson report recognised institutional racism as the root to many social injustices experienced by minority ethnic communities in UK. The McPherson Report led to legislative changes and procedural changes in institutions aimed to address institutional racism and discriminatory practices. The Chinese community benefited from the enquiry alongside other ethnic communities.

Attitudes towards the Chinese community, however, did not change much. More Chinese participation in public affairs, challenging racism and injustices to assert the rights of the community, and a change in attitude is required.

How about inside the Chinese community itself? Is there now a greater acceptance of working together with the British community to create greater understanding between the two groups?

In general, there is greater awareness amongst Chinese community of the need to work with other communities in addressing social injustices. There are signs of Chinese working closely with the wider community on the grass root level, and participating in public affairs, these remain small and early stage of development.

The greater understanding of the Chinese community with the wider society relies on grass root co-operation and participation in public affairs is needed.

As a figure prevalent in Chinese community affairs – can you tell me about some recent campaigns that you have worked on?

My work with Chinese victims of race crime often found that the victims were secondarily victimised by the Police. In many instances, when Chinese reported of persistence racial abuses, harassment and/or intimidation met with indifference police attitude tend to trivialise the crime. When Chinese were provoked or forced to defend themselves, Police were quick to arrest and/or charge the Chinese. I have deal with over twenty similar cases in the last three years, many led to community campaign to defend the victims.

You are also a caseworker for Min Quan. Can you tell me more about this organisation and what you do in it?

Min Quan aims to work with the Chinese community in tackling race crime, race discrimination and policing matter; it is a branch of The Monitoring Group. I am employed as Chinese Project Worker of the Group, in actual fact, I am dealing with a lot of casework of race crime against Chinese. Campaigning on cases form a significant part of my work. I also take an active role in many community activities, e.g. I was the chief negotiator and chief steward in organising the demonstration in London during the Foot and Mouth Campaign.

Do you think that we will become part of a homogenous British identity or do you think that it is important for us to celebrate our diversity?

I do not think there is a homogenous British identity. The same is true that there is no homogenous identity of Chinese or any racial group. The Chinese community in UK is not homogenous; it embraces Chinese from Hong Kong, Vietnam, People Republic of China, Taiwan, Singapore, Malaysia, UK born and from many other parts of the world. It holds people of diverse background not only in country of origin, also in terms of social values, profession, class etc etc..

The assumption of homogenous identity produced the rising of a group of Chinese 'community leaders' appointed by the Home Office to impose upon the community. Such 'leaders' speak on behalf of the interests of the Home Office rather than the Chinese community.

A example is during the Dover 58 tragedy whereby 58 Chinese from mainland found dead in the back of a lorry entering UK in Dover, Home Office appointed 'community leader' (came from Hong Kong) sat on the Home Office Ethnic Minorities Forum was quick to sing the tone of the Home Office to condemn 'illegal immigrants' but did nothing to support the families of the victims.

I belief a society not only valuing diversity, but also actively challenge injustice is the only future for all communities and racial groups to live harmoniously and with mutual respect.

What are your hopes for the new generation of British Born Chinese?

British Born Chinese demonstrated its readiness in challenging injustice and more readily in asserting their rights and entitlements. I am looking forward to greater number of Chinese, especially second generation or British Born Chinese, to participate in British public life – in employment, public appointments and political participation.

More Chinese in employment with public bodies would enable workforce of public bodies more reflect the experience of the Chinese community; more Chinese in public appointment would give greater representation of Chinese in policy decision of public affairs; more political participations would ensure a voice of the community. All these also build the capacity of the Chinese community in terms of experience, knowledge and skills to assert the rights and entitlements of the community and in challenging injustices.

 

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